Imagine being Secretary of State Mike Pompeo. Or national security adviser John Bolton. Here are two of President Donald Trump’s most loyal lieutenants. They have taken no small number of slings and arrows from bipartisan critics
in the U.S. foreign policy community on his behalf. As befits their
positions, they have a reasonable expectation they will be the
president’s key advisers on foreign policy and seen to be such by
American and international observers.
How, then, do they explain their relative place in the Trump hierarchy after Ivanka Trump’s prominent participation in the president’s trip to Asia last week?
Ivanka, who holds the title of adviser to the president, was seemingly everywhere. Here she is offering a video readout, tweeted by the White House, of the president’s meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Here she is standing in a photo line of world leaders. Here she is inserting herself — painfully, awkwardly
— into a conversation among French President Emanuel Macron, British
Prime Minister Theresa May and International Monetary Fund Chairwoman
Christine Lagarde.
She was publicly thanked by Trump as Pompeo’s equal on a stage before U.S. forces in South Korea.
And, most shockingly, she accompanied Trump to the Demilitarized Zone
between the Koreas before his sit-down with North Korean dictator Kim
Jong Un.
Meanwhile, Bolton had been dispatched to Mongolia.
The
implications of this performance are serious — for the effective
conduct of U.S. foreign policy, for our own democratic institutions and
traditions, and for what it tells us about the president’s future
intentions.
In the first instance, when the
president’s daughter (and son-in-law, Jared Kushner) are elevated in
this way, it renders all other officials in the U.S. government
afterthoughts. Why would any foreign leader invest in their
relationships with Pompeo, Bolton, or other Cabinet officials when it is
perfectly clear that their influence pales in comparison to the
president’s family? Former Secretary of State Rex Tillerson told the
House Foreign Affairs Committee in June how he was often cut out of key conversations with his counterparts in key countries such as Saudi Arabia and Mexico, hampering his ability to do his job.
But it is not just the Cabinet-level officials
whose standing suffers when the president surrounds himself with his
children. Presumably they knew, or should have known, more or less what
they were getting into when they hitched their wagon to Trump. More
serious is that it undermines an entire strata of U.S. government
professionals with knowledge and experience in foreign countries,
languages, and ways to advance U.S. interests on whom we depend to
conduct diplomacy with foreign governments. Foreign officials now
understand that American ambassadors and lower-ranking diplomats, most
of whom have no access to the First Family, may have little of value to
offer as a channel reflecting U.S. government views. If you don’t hear
it from a Trump family member, it is as good as useless.
The
result is that the U.S. government is rapidly becoming perceived —
abroad and at home — as a family business. If the only people who matter
are the president’s relatives, we have strayed far from our traditions
as a republic led by a government “of the people, by the people, for the
people.” For foreign officials, the temptation to bypass efforts to
identify common interests between our nations in favor of flattery and
currying favor with family members — surely the path of least resistance
— will be irresistible. The opening this arrangement provides for
full-on corruption is undeniable. We used to call out this corruption
when we saw it in other countries, such as Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan,
where leaders have surrounded themselves with, and even handed off power
to, family members.
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